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Coalition Letter to Senate Judiciary re: Faster FOIA Act
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Advocacy and Letters - Letters to Government Agencies Signed by TMA
Written by Coalition   
Wednesday, 17 March 2010

March 17, 2010

The Honorable Patrick Leahy
Chairman
United States Senate
Judiciary Committee
224 Dirksen Senate Office Building
Washington, DC 20510

The Honorable John Cornyn
Ranking Member
United States Senate
Judiciary Committee
152 Dirksen Senate Office Building
Washington, DC 20510

Dear Senators Leahy and Cornyn:

The undersigned organizations write in support of the Faster FOIA Act, which would establish the Commission on Freedom of Information Act Processing Delays (the Commission). This advisory commission would be charged with recommending to Congress and the President steps that should be taken to reduce delays in the administration of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).

In our experience, agency backlogs impose one of the greatest impediments to access under the FOIA and create a disparity across the federal government in the administration of the FOIA. Moreover, while backlogs have presented a longstanding problem in agency implementation of the FOIA, we still do not understand fully the conditions and practices that create those backlogs. Particularly in light of President Obama’s directive to agencies to reduce significant backlogs of outstanding FOIA requests, it is imperative that we identify the root causes of FOIA processing delays.

Toward that end, the Commission established by the Faster FOIA Act would examine agency backlogs and recommend to Congress and the President steps that should be taken to reduce delays and make the administration of the FOIA equitable and efficient throughout the federal government. By including representatives of the FOIA requester community, the Commission would bring a fresh perspective to a persistent problem.

The Commission would also be tasked with examining the current FOIA system for charging fees and granting waiver fees. In our experience, an agency’s refusal to recognize a requester’s entitlement to a fee waiver all too often causes further processing delays and imposes yet another unreasonable bar to access under the FOIA. We welcome the opportunity this legislation presents for further study of this problem, specifically considering whether the current statutory provision should be reformed.

Thank you for your ongoing commitment to strengthening the Freedom of Information Act.

Sincerely,

OpenTheGovernment.org

American Association of Law Libraries

American Library Association

Association of Research Libraries

American Society of News Editors

Californians Aware

Center for Democracy and Technology

Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington

Defending Dissent Foundation

DC Open Government Coalition

Electronic Frontier Foundation

Essential Information

Government Accountability Project

iSolon.org

Justice Through Music

Liberty Coalition

Minnesota Coalition on Open Government

MuckRock

The Multiracial Activist

National Coalition for History

National Freedom of Information Coalition

National Security Archive

North Carolina Open Government Coalition

OMB Watch

Project On Government Oversight

Public Citizen

Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press

The Rutherford Institute

Sage Information Services

Society of Professional Journalists

Special Libraries Association

Sunlight Foundation

Velvet Revolution

Washington Coalition for Open Government

 

PDF version: http://www.openthegovernment.org/otg/FasterFOIAletter.pdf


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Coalition Letter to HHS/HIT re: Health Information Privacy
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Advocacy and Letters - Letters to Government Agencies Signed by TMA
Written by Coalition   
Tuesday, 24 November 2009

Coalition for Patient Privacy 

November 24, 2009

David Blumenthal, MD, MPP
National Coordinator
Office of National Coordinator for Health Information Technology
U. S. Department of Health and Human Services
200 Independence Avenue, SW
Washington, DC 20201

See Letter as .PDF
See Letter as .DOC

Dear Dr. Blumenthal:

We were very pleased to hear your announcement last month regarding a new privacy and security work group that will advise the HIT Policy Committee and “create recommendations based on results of the September privacy hearing.” Our Coalition and the millions of Americans we represent solidly stand behind the remarks Dr. Latanya Sweeney and Dr. Deborah Peel made at the September privacy hearing. Americans clearly want to control their personal health information and, more importantly, they expect the federal government to ensure this happens.

We have been provided no evidence that control or meaningful, informed consent does not work. In fact, the final report from the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality that describes their recent nationwide focus groups clearly illustrates that the public expects the right to decide who can see and use their personal health information. AHRQ determined there was no support for the establishment of general rules that apply to all health care consumers. Participants thought that health care consumers should be able to exert control over their own health information individually, rather than collectively[1]. The Administration has a duty to respect and to protect these fundamental privacy rights.

From the outside looking in, we note the HIT Policy Committee has an extensive and difficult job description and seemingly unrealistic time constraints. It is critical that individual experts outside this Committee be an integral part of the privacy and security work group, as Congress intended in HITECH. The work simply cannot be done without reaching out to other experts in health privacy and national consumer privacy advocacy organizations.

Therefore, we urge you to cast a broad net when selecting members of this critical work group. Many privacy and consumer experts that have a wealth of knowledge on HIT and privacy are eager to serve this endeavor. We hope you will call on members of our Coalition, including Dr. Peel, along with HIT vendors implementing innovative privacy solutions.

We support your efforts and continue to offer our expertise and time.

Sincerely,

The Coalition for Patient Privacy

American Association of People with Disabilities
American Civil Liberties Union
American Council for the Blind
Clinical Social Work Association
Consumer Action
Electronic Privacy Information Center
Just Health
The Multiracial Activist
National Association of Social Workers
National Coalition of Mental Health Professionals and Consumers
Patient Privacy Rights
Private Citizen, Inc.
Secure ID Coalition 
U.S. Bill of Rights Foundation
Universata, Inc.

cc:

HIT Policy Committee Members
HIT Standards Committee Members


For additional information, please contact:

Ashley Katz
Executive Director
Patient Privacy Rights
(O) 512-732-0033
(C) 512-897-6390
\n This email address is being protected from spam bots, you need Javascript enabled to view it This e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it www.patientprivacyrights.org 


1AHRQ Publication No. 09-0081-EF "Final Report: Consumer Engagement in Developing Electronic Health Information Systems" Prepared by: Westat, (July 2009), see page 29,http://healthit.ahrq.gov/portal/server.pt/gateway/PTARGS_0_1248_888520_0_0_18/09-0081-EF.pdf (last visited September 14, 2009)


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Faulty Dichotomies: Fort Hood and Reverse Racism
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TMA Articles and Commentary - TMA Commentary and Essays
Written by José Maria J. Yulo   
Wednesday, 11 November 2009
Faulty Dichotomies: Fort Hood and Reverse Racism 
November 11, 2009 - The Abolitionist Examiner
José Maria J. Yulo
Originally published in Ignatius Insight

For neither Man nor Angel can discern
Hypocrisy, the only evil that walks
Invisible, except to God alone,
By his permissive will, through Heav’n and
Earth.
—John Milton

By liberalism I mean false liberty of thought, or the exercise of thought upon matters, in which, from the constitution of the human mind, cannot be brought to any successful issue, and therefore is out of place.
—Cardinal John Henry Newman

Within the first twenty-four hours the news broke on the attack by a gunman on an army base in Texas, and with the appropriate reserve owed to an event of such severity, various media outlets were hesitant at first to speculate on the identity and ethnic origin of the assailant, not wanting to foment irrational fears and reactions. What intrigued however was the quickness with which some news organizations began the narrative of a soldier ridiculed because of his ethnicity, ultimately cracking and lashing out in a rage against his perceived persecution. Making matters more interesting was the possibility of the murders carried out because of post-traumatic stress, an unusual possibility to say the least since by latest account, the attacker had not yet been deployed overseas and therefore had yet to experience the fire of combat.

The mystery behind the massacre’s motivation still remain unclear. What is peculiar is the motivation behind a seeming attempt to find more preferable reasons to deliberately and with a fixed intention kill a dozen people and injure dozens more. Perhaps unknown to its authors, the veins of this narrative run deep and parallel to the precedents set forth by various philosophical schools in the last century. Paramount here is the dichotomous worldview ham-fistedly established by Marx and perennially finding converts among cultural elites. The dialectical clash between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie is often chameleon-like, assuming the suitable color and hue to fit the assigned socio-political context.

In the liberation theology of Paolo Freire, the paradigm of the oppressor and the oppressed takes form as the basis for the Brazilian’s distillation of Socratic dialogue into “conscientization.” In this third world setting, members of the latter class are made aware of their assigned status and encouraged to rebel, sometimes violently, against the former since, as Freire claims, rebellion is an “act of love.”

Integral in this school of thought is the belief that group membership in the oppressed class, even removed by both time and current economic conditions, permits for looser interpretations of moral norms, enabling a historically underprivileged group the license to “correct” their plights by means restricted only by their creativity. An example removed from the wages of war perhaps here is helpful for illustrative purposes.

In 1990, an undergraduate student at the University of Hawaii wrote a letter to a school publication addressing the word “haole” as it was and is used in pidgin Hawaiian. The term literally denoted a foreigner, but as most who have visited or lived in Hawaii would know, it is more specifically focused on people of Caucasian descent. The student went on to describe how he had discovered the many negative associations to the term, relating to his own experiences within the island of Oahu, up to and including his being assaulted and beaten more than once simply for his ethnicity alone.

At university, one would expect perhaps a spirited letter or essay submitted to counter such claims, if only for the academic exercise they would involve. Such counterarguments did not come. Rather, what came in response surprised most observers. A faculty member in Hawaiian Studies wrote a letter to the selfsame publication accessed earlier, building, if one can call it that, a case not against the nature of the word “haole,” but against the student, a Caucasian male from Louisiana, who had the temerity to even suggest he was victimized because of his race. The teacher expounded that the student in question’s forefathers had permanently afflicted “her” homeland with racism, disease and all manner of oppression. In her words he was a haole, and ought resign himself to his negative treatment by reason of this. If he found such status difficult to bear, the faculty member advised him to take one of the many flights off the island and “go back to Louisiana.” Little is further known of the student who was involved in this case, though within three years, the lady teacher of Hawaiian Studies was awarded a full professorship by the university.

There are two noteworthy errors exhibited by the reasoning of the faculty member in this case. Of course, both are predictably caused by the faulty dichotomous worldview cited earlier.

First, the zeal with which students of this school of thought compartmentalize individuals into oppressor and oppressed camps allows for a generalization always tempting for the sociologist and liberation theologian alike. Namely, the assumption that since the student in question “belonged” to a historically privileged class, he must have ontologically enjoyed his lineage’s perks and savored its depredations. It is most ironic that this blanket perspective on race and culture is usually perpetrated by those who supposedly educate against such stereotype and prejudice. In short, the student in question may be a bad student, perhaps even a deplorable human being as well. Yet, the simple fact remains. He, himself, was not guilty of the crimes the professor cited. In a departure from ex post facto law, he was not guilty now from something he did legally then. Rather, he was guilty now for something someone else did a century before. It would appear that the teacher had loftier ambitions than professorship, assuming Yahweh’s capacity of punishing the sons for the sins of the fathers.

Second, the professor’s implied approval and sanctioning of the ills visited upon the student logically extended from a stilted worldview on the plight of the oppressed. Name-calling, ostracizing, and physical beatings were “expected” repercussions by those from oppressed groups, even if the oppression occurred to someone else a century before. It is almost pitiable, this lack of exposure to Augustinian lessons on the free will. What is at work here however, is something more than blithe ignorance of medieval philosophy.

In allowing “the oppressed” to bend, if not break moral standards of behavior, the professor, and the apologists for the Ft. Hood shooter write a common chapter with a shared pen. They write, “some people, because of the group they belong to, cannot be blamed for acts of malevolence.” As the evidence has yielded, only one man has his bloody prints on the murder weapon in Texas. Instead of excusing such behavior, which is the ultimate wish of such prevarication, a most condescending patronizing emanates. Who do societies claim are not responsible for their actions? The answers are obvious, children and lunatics. By asserting that certain segments of the population should be absolved of their freely chosen acts of mayhem, those who write this narrative do “the oppressed” a greater disservice than overt oppression: the rendering of convenient calibanization of human beings for the cause.


José Maria J. Yulo is a Research Fellow at the Independent Institute. He received his doctoral degree in the philosophy of education from the University of San Francisco and teaches philosophy and western civilization at the Academy of Art University.


 

 

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Coalition Letter to HHS on PHI
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Advocacy and Letters - Letters to Government Agencies Signed by TMA
Written by Coalition   
Friday, 23 October 2009

COALITION FOR PATIENT PRIVACY

October 23, 2009

Georgina Verdugo, Director
Office for Civil Rights
U. S. Department of Health and Human Services
Attention: HITECH Breach Notification
Hubert H. Humphrey Building, Room 509F
200 Independent Avenue, SW
Washington, DC 20201

Re: RIN 0991-AB56; HITECH Breach Notification for Unsecured Protected Health Information Rulemaking

Dear Ms. Verdugo:

The Coalition for Patient Privacy is the leading voice of consumer organizations for privacy and health IT. We are a diverse, multi-partisan group united by our efforts to prevent discrimination in employment and other key opportunities based on health information. We work to positively impact how electronic medical records are used and to ensure privacy is protected. Patients will only trust the healthcare system if privacy is assured.

We appreciate this opportunity to provide public comment on the interim final rule (IFR) establishing requirements for notification of breaches of unsecured protected health under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA).(1) We look forward to working with you in your new role as Director to protect patients and consumers.

In short, we were dismayed and disappointed with the IFR, particularly with the inclusion of a "harm standard", and the exception provided for "Limited Data Sets (LDS) Lite." The broad discretion granted to industry goes far beyond Congressional intent. Moreover, from the consumer vantage point, the IFR is entirely inconsistent with the Obama Administration’s public pledges to ensure transparency and accountability. There was no mention of any consideration of a harm standard in HHS previous Request for Information, thwarting any opportunity for public debate. We expect more than rhetoric; we expect consumers to be protected.

While we appreciate the desire to establish reasonable, workable regulations, patients’ most sensitive information on earth, their health information, must be treated with the utmost caution and concern. When privacy is violated the patient must be informed.

The burden to the data holder to provide meaningful and timely notice cannot trump this important protection for consumers. Currently the IFR places industry priorities before patients’; the public finds this totally unacceptable.

We request the following action:

1) Delete 45 C.F.R. 164.402(1)(i). We strongly support the urging of the Chairmen of the House Energy & Commerce and House Ways & Means Committees to "revise or repeal the harm standard provision included" in the IFR, as requested in their October 1, 2009 letter to HHS Secretary Sebelius.(2) This exclusion weakens the breach notification requirement dramatically, granting the company that would like to avoid the cost and consequences of breach notification the power to decide if they will notify.

2) Delete 45 C.F.R § 164.402(1)(ii). There remains a potential re‐identification risk of limited data sets even when dates of birth and zip codes have been removed. We urge you to determine that this information should not, as a practical matter, be given safe harbor status.

3) Delete or revise 45 C.F.R 164.402(2)(i). If an employee of a covered entity or business associate accesses PHI unintentionally, they should NOT be allowed to use that information, even if it is allowed under the Privacy Rule.

Harm Standard

The individual harm standard is unsupported by ARRA, contradicts Congressional intent and is prone to abuse. The harm standard also reduces transparency and weakens the incentive for covered entities to encrypt information.

With respect to covered entities, the ARRA defines "breach" as the "unauthorized acquisition, access, use, or disclosure of protected health information which compromises the security or privacy of such information."(3) In its interim final rule, HHS has interpreted "compromises" to imply a harm standard. Under HHS’ interpretation, breach does not occur – and notification is not required - - unless the access, use or disclosure poses "a significant risk of financial, reputational, or other harm to individual."(4) The "significant risk of harm" determination is an internal process on the part of companies with a powerful financial and reputational bias against notification.

Further, HHS’ interpretation of "breach" notably violates the ARRA’s statutory language; the writing simply does not imply an individual harm standard. The statutory language refers to compromising the privacy or security of data, not the finances or reputation of the patient. Congress did not intend to permit covered entities to make a value judgment on behalf of individual patients with regard to whether breached health information is sensitive or not. In the October 1 letter to HHS Secretary Sebelius, the Chairmen of the House Energy & Commerce and House Ways & Means Committees explicitly confirmed that the harm standard is not supported by the statutory language and contradicts Congressional intent. The letter articulated that Committee members "specifically considered and rejected such a standard due to concerns over the breadth of discretion that would be given to breaching entities, particularly with regard to determining something as subjective as harm from the release of sensitive and personal health information."

Additionally, the harm standard, as drafted in the IFR, undermines a second major purpose of mandatory notification: transparency. Patients should be made aware of when the institutions to which they’ve entrusted their data have not protected the privacy and security of that data, even when the risk of harm to the patient is not high. This educates consumers and empowers them to hold their health care providers accountable if privacy standards are too lax. As the letter from the Chairmen of the Committees to Secretary Sebelius states: "Such transparency allows the consumer to judge the quality of a health care entity’s privacy protection based on how many breaches occur, enabling them to choose entities with better privacy practices." Instead, the harm standard keeps patients in the dark about what is happening to their data.

HHS’ harm standard empowers breaching entities with precisely the subjectivity Congress intended to avoid. The IFR suggests that covered entities should consider the nature of the protected health information in making a risk assessment. One example provided was disclosure that a named patient received services at a certain hospital. In this example, the covered entity is not in a position to be able to adequately assess whether such information would harm an individual. Disclosure of such information could cause harm – loss of promotion or reputational harm, for example. However, many data holders could simply decide that these are not "significant risks of harm" unless they receive a complaint. This does not serve the patient.

Alternatively, we do find the Federal Trade Commission’s (FTC) consideration of assessing whether or not any data (regardless of type) was acquired or accessed far more appropriate and in line with Congressional intent. If you can prove neither occurred, such as forensic evidence that a lost laptop was never opened, no notification is necessary. Congress did not intend to permit covered entities to make a value judgment on behalf of individual patients with regard to whether breached health information is sensitive or not. We also agree with the FTC’s breach notification assessment that "the danger of over‐notification may be overstated." The harm standard added to the IFR is overreaching and must be removed.

Limited Data Sets

We oppose HHS’s granting safe harbor status to a subset of the limited data set (i.e., a limited data set from which dates of birth and zip code have been removed "LDS Lite") by deeming the inappropriate use or disclosure of such information is not a breach.

A limited data set is protected health information which has been partially de‐identified by removing most identifiers including the name, address, social security number, and account number of an individual or the individual’s relative, employer, or household member. Unlike information which has been de‐identified in compliance with HIPAA, a limited data set may include dates (e.g., dates of birth, admission dates, and dates of service) as well as town or city, State, and zip code. Additionally, LDS include places of service, admission and discharge dates, all of which facilitate re-identification.

When "LDS Lite" information is inappropriately used or disclosed, covered entities are never required to notify individuals of such disclosure regardless of the recipient of the information. Neither are covered entities required to conduct a risk analysis to evaluate the recipient’s potential ability to re-identify the information. HHS justified this approach based on its belief that the inappropriate use and disclosure of "LDS Lite" if subjected to a risk assessment would pose a low level of risk.

We strongly urge you to review Dr. Paul Ohm’s recent publication, Broken Promises of Privacy: Responding to the Surprising Failure of Anonymization, as you consider "deidentified data." Ohm explains with precision why "data can either be useful or perfectly anonymous but never both"5. The critical piece is whether or not "deidentified" data can be re-identified once it is combined with another dataset.

One of the few studies conducted on the HIPAA de-identification standard demonstrated that the risk of re-identification of data is significant. The study found that employers, physicians, pharmacies, employers and insurers could identify members by applying diagnosis and medication combinations to a de-identified data set with a moderately high expectation of accuracy. It is quite clear that the risk of reidentification of data in an "LDS Lite" format depends largely on the recipients of the data, their access to other information, capabilities and motivation.

Given rapidly evolving technologies and the increasing proliferation of databases, it is not appropriate to deem information not at risk solely because specific identifiers have been removed. While it may be true that removing zip codes and dates of birth may make it less likely that a limited data set will be re-identified, the level of risk of reidentification also depends on the recipient’s motivation to re-identify the data. Impermissibly releasing information to recipients who have access to other mega databases of individually identifiable information and are motivated to re-identify information heightens the risk that the information in the "LDS Lite" may be combined with other data and re-identified.(6) Examples of mega database holders include employers and insurers.

In sum, information in "LDS Lite" does not consistently meet the standard of being unusable, unreadable or indecipherable. It does not qualify as a "secure" technology entitled to safe harbor status under section 13402(h) of ARRA. Creating another avenue through which it is possible to grant this information safe harbor status is unwarranted and contrary to Congressional intent. We recommend that the HHS standard for deidentification should be that all data must be provably de-identified. Experts like Dr. LaTanya Sweeney have demonstrated methods to provably de-identify health data, so that data is still protected and reliable.

Internal Breaches

ARRA excludes from the definition of breach certain cases of unintentional internal acquisition of protected health information, provided such information is not "further acquired, accessed, used, or disclosed without authorization."(7) Unfortunately, the HHS IFR contradicts this statutory framing by allowing the person or entity that inadvertently or accidentally receives the information to further use it in any way permitted under the Privacy Rule.(8) In other words, if the individual in good faith accidentally accesses data they were not authorized to access, it is not a breach if they subsequently use that data in a manner that is permitted by the Privacy Rule.

If an employee of a covered entity or business associate accesses PHI unintentionally, they should NOT be allowed to use that information, even if the use or disclosure is allowed under the Privacy Rule. The Privacy Rule is far too broad, allowing use and disclosure of PHI without consent for "treatment, payment and healthcare operations." Such discretion is out of step with patients’ expectations about how their information can be used. It is a wholly insufficient safeguard against inappropriate use and should not be an exception to breach notification.

Timing of Notice to Secretary

The IFR’s 60-day deadline for reporting breaches to the Secretary is contrary to the "immediate" notice required by the ARRA. Section 13402(d) of the ARRA requires a covered entity to furnish required breach notification to affected individuals without unreasonable delay and in no case later than 60 calendar days after the date the breach was discovered. In contrast, Section 13402(e)(3) of the ARRA requires covered entities to notify the Secretary "immediately" of breaches of unsecured protected health information involving 500 or more individuals. Even though this latter provision clearly establishes a different deadline for notifying the Secretary vis a vis notifying an affected individual, HHS has interpreted it as having the same meaning - - that covered entities are required to provide notice to the Secretary concurrent with providing notice to the

individual. This interpretation is contrary to generally accepted rules of statutory construction that the use of different phrases in a statute have different meanings. Providing notice to the Secretary in advance would enable HHS to provide technical assistance in crafting and furnishing breach notification.

Additional Transparency Enhancements

We repeat our initial recommendations for improved transparency submitted in May, 2009 in response to the Request for Information. It is very troubling that HHS appears to be so highly influenced by industry, especially when it fails to invite public comment on significant new additions and changes not present in the statue such as a harm standard.

  • We request that HHS release the log of meetings, attendees at each meeting, and names of the external experts in health informatics and security that it consulted with to develop this guidance and publish all materials and documents provided by these consultants.
  • All experts consulted should be required to disclose all conflicts of interest in writing.
  • Cite resources and recommendations within regulations, a practice the FTC implements.

Conclusion

Ensuring ironclad protections against theft and misuses of PHI must be the price of doing business in health care. If an entity cannot or will not protect our most sensitive data, they should not be in the health care business. We currently have higher standards and expectations for our financial data than we do for our health data. With a breach of financial records, a consumer faces a significant headache, but ultimately can have their credit and funds restored; this is not the case with health records. A stigmatizing diagnosis, condition or prescription in the wrong hands can cause irreversible damage and discrimination. There is no perfect delete or recover button for restoring the privacy of health information that has been used or disclosed via a breach.

The burden to the data holder to report breaches cannot trump this important protection for consumers. The Coalition urges HHS to revise the current IFR now so that it is aligned with the intent of our elected officials and the paramount principles of transparency and accountability. Do not wait until April 2010. Thank you for this opportunity to provide feedback. We look forward to working with you.

Sincerely,

 

The Coalition for Patient Privacy

AIDS Action

American Association of People with Disabilities

American Civil Liberties Union

American Council of the Blind

Clinical Social Work Association

Consumer Action

JustHealth

The Multiracial Activist

The National Coalition of Mental Health Professionals and Consumers

Patient Privacy Rights

Private Citizen, Inc.

Telecommunications for the Deaf & Hard of Hearing, Inc.

U.S. Bill of Rights Foundation

 

cc. Secretary Kathleen Sebelius

Senator Olympia Snowe

Representatives:

Henry A. Waxman

Charles B. Rangel

John D. Dingell

Frank Pallone, Jr.

Pete Fortney Stark

Joe Barton

 

Footnotes

1 HHS, Breach Notification for Unsecured Protected Health Information; Interim Final Rule, Federal Register, Vol. 74, No. 163, pp. 42740 – 42770, August 24, 2009 (HHS IFR).

2 Pg. 2. http://energycommerce.house.gov/Press_111/20091001/sebelius_letter.pdf

3 ARRA § 13400(1)(A)

4 IFR Pg. 20.

5 "Broken Promises of Privacy: Responding to the Surprising Failure of Anonymization" by Paul Ohm, JD, University of Colorado Law School, http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1450006

6 See Steven Clause, et al. "Conforming to HIPAA Regulations and Compilation of Research Data," 61 American Journal of Health System Pharmacy 1025-1031 (2004).

7 ARRA, § 13400(1)(B).

8 HHS IFR Pg. 29.


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What Jimmy Carter Doesn’t Know
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TMA Articles and Commentary - Current Issue
Written by Jonathan J. Bean   
Thursday, 17 September 2009

What Jimmy Carter Doesn't Know
September 17, 2009 - The Abolitionist Examiner
Jonathan J. Bean

When Barack Obama dumped Rev. Jeremiah Wright during the presidential campaign, he explained that the Reverend was a man lost in another time, when hard-core white racism required hypersensitivity to issues of race.

Likewise, former President Jimmy Carter seems lost in the hypersensitive radicalism of the late 1960s. In controversial remarks, the former president recently tagged opponents of President Obama’s policies as racists: “I think an overwhelming portion of the intensely demonstrated animosity toward President Barack Obama is based on the fact that he is a black man.”

During the late 1960s, activists on the left started to color-code policy debates, much like their white supremacist predecessors. Older readers will recall: before the health care debate, it was welfare. Welfare reform was “code” for white racism, according to the deep thinkers of the 1970s and 1980s. Never mind that there was strong black support for such reform.

Now it is health care and budget deficits. Oppose the president’s proposal? You’re likely a “racist.” Concerned about massive deficits? Also “racist.”

Here is what Jimmy Carter and others fail to see: On race, America has changed across the board. Witness the election of Barack Obama, the integration of new immigrants into U.S. society (even in the rural South), and the acceptance of racial intermarriage. In 1958, only 4 percent of whites approved of intermarriage; today it barely elicits a yawn.

Immigration and intermarriage promise to change the black-white “race hustle” in ways the Left and Right can’t control.

This is a teachable moment for Jimmy Carter and others who do not know the hidden history of civil rights.

The civil rights movement owes much to individuals—some famous, some forgotten—who placed individual freedom, the Constitution, color-blind justice, and self-help above other interests. The movement started with Frederick Douglass, Lewis Tappan (the financial angel of abolitionism) and other evangelical Christians who struggled against the pernicious pro-slavery Christians of the South. In later years, these champions of liberty stood against Chinese Exclusion (1882), race-based immigration quotas (1924), and Japanese internment. They also stood for anti-lynching laws, merit-based college admissions (rejecting quotas on Jews), welcoming Jewish refugees from Nazi Germany, and decriminalizing “illegal aliens,” a promise carried through by Ronald Reagan.

If Jimmy Carter reads about this long struggle he will hear much name calling from opponents of “live and let live.” But he won’t hear it from Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington, superlawyer Louis Marshall, H.L. Mencken, Zora Neale Hurston, Branch Rickey and the many others who opposed inserting race where it doesn’t belong: sports, politics, college, and so on.

Part of the problem is that historians have blotted out this tradition. Only the “progressive” Left view is presented: that government is sometimes the problem, but always the solution. Those who favor nondiscrimination, what we used to call a “colorblind society,” are now to be considered racists.

In fact, it is government that has done the most harm to people living in our country because of their skin color. Government supported slavery, Jim Crow, Chinese Exclusion, Japanese internment, forced sterilization of “inferior races,” and today’s race preferences in hiring, promotion, awarding of contracts, and other areas. Libertarians such as Ward Connerly, who led the charge against state-sanctioned racial preferences in California, are the true heirs of the long civil rights movement, not Jimmy Carter.

Going deeper than law and politics, Americans can learn from pioneers such as Frederick Douglass that people should be treated as individuals rather than as symbols of group stereotypes. Carter ought to read Douglass’s orations, especially his speech envisioning an America where we are “one country, one citizenship, one liberty, one law, for all people without regard to race.”

Jimmy Carter is a relic of a time and mindset past. It’s time to move on.


Jonathan J. Bean is Research Fellow at the Independent Institute, Professor of History at Southern Illinois University, and editor of the Institute book, Race and Liberty in America: The Essential Reader.

 

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