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Book Excerpt: One Drop of Blood The American Misadventure of Race
December 2000/January 2001
By Scott L. Malcomson
Published by Farrar, Straus and Giroux
October 2000; $30.00US/$47.00CAN; 0-374-24079-5
Why has, a nation dedicated to freedom and
universal ideals continually produced, through
its obsession with race, an unhappily divided
people? Scott L. Malcomson's search for an
answer took him to communities across the
country and deep into our past. From Virginia
colonists "going native" onward, Malcomson argues, Americans, in their mania for
self-invention, pioneered an idea of race that
gave it unprecedented moral and social
importance.
A
parade of idealists, pragmatists,
and opportunists -- from Ben Franklin to
Tecumseh, Washington Irving to Bobby Seale --
defined, "Indian," "black," and "white" in
relation to one another and in service to the aspirations and anxieties of each era. Yet these
definitions have never been gladly adopted by the people they were meant to describe. To
escape the limits of race, Americans have
continually attempted to escape from other races -- by founding, all-black towns, for
example -- or to nullify race by confining, eliminating, or absorbing one another. From
Puritan enslavement of Indians to the
separatism we enact daily in our schools and
neighborhoods, Americans, have perpetually
engaged with and fled from other Americans
along racial lines. By not only recounting,
our nation's most distinctive and enduring
drama but helping us to own it -- even to embrace it -- this redemptive book offers a way to move forward.
Author
SCOTT L. MALCOMSON has written for The New Yorker, The New York
Times, and other publications. He is the author
of two previous books. He lives in Brooklyn,
New York.
Reviews
"Scott Malcomson has
written an impressive, complex, disturbing, and provocative book about the
tangle of race, particularly as Americans have experienced it."
--Larry McMurtry, author of Lonesome Dove, Crazy Horse, and Walter
Benjamin at the Dairy Queen
"Scott Malcomson rescues us from
silence. With this meticulous history, he has written a fabulous romance. He
reminds us that American history is more than a tale of conflict and separation;
we are united as a nation by an eroticism outlasting our denials and fear."
--Richard Rodriguez, author of Days of Obligation and Hunger of Memory
"One Drop of Blood is a
dazzling meditation on the creation and maintenance of American attitudes about
race. Malcomson's thoroughly intelligent and elegant presentation deftly employs
history, literary criticism, and memoir to reveal the tragedy and beauty that
have helped shape the contours of America's tortured racial landscape. An
insightful interrogation of the past, with a hopeful look toward the future, One
Drop of Blood is a tour de force."
--Annette Gordon-Reed, author of Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings: An
American Controversy
"In this eloquent, sharp-eyed, and
utterly fascinating book, Scott Malcomson tells a thousand and one tales of
America's strange encounter with the idea of race, ranging from the Lost Colony
of Roanoke to Mark Twain to the Oklahoma City Bombing. His journey along the
color line yields startling new insights into our past and our present."
--Henry Wiencek, author of The Hairstons: An American Family in Black and
White
Excerpt
The following is an excerpt from the book One Drop of Blood: The American
Misadventure of Race
by Scott L. Malcomson
Published by Farrar, Straus and Giroux; October 2000;
$30.00US/$47.00CAN; 0-374-24079-5
Copyright © 2000 Scott L. Malcomson
THIS BUSINESS OF ANGELS
All the names, all those to- gether burned
names. So
much
ash to bless.
-Paul Celan, "Chemical" |
The North Canadian River slips through Oklahoma City, which marches away from
it, to the north and south, in an almost unbroken grid. Like many towns in the southern
Great Plains, Oklahoma City grew up at a time when irregular curving rivers had
given way to the more rigid lines of railroads (themselves soon replaced, on this
level terrain, by straight highways). People came to Oklahoma because land was
cheap; and evidently land remains cheap enough, for Oklahoma City is not built up.
Even close to the center, people live in houses on evenly spaced lots. In a hot and
moody climate the lawns and gardens stay green. During the dust-bowl years,
Oklahoma land went from cheap to worthless, and tens of thousands of Okies, the
poorest of the white Depression poor, left for yet another trek west; but when the bad
weather had gone the state dammed the rivers, creating the lakes that provide the
water that makes the lawns of Oklahoma City possible. On a rectangle of land you
can make for yourself a garden, a lawn, a home. Oklahoma City is among the most
man-made of
American towns; it is what we, leaving nature aside, create for ourselves. The
proud city turns its back on the river, especially at night, when everyone has
returned safely home and the river drifts quietly by like a winding secret.
In this orderly city a bomb brought down a government building one workday, killing 168 people, either immediately or after dehydration, suffocation, or
dripping away enough blood to die. Every age and race of American was among
the murdered; it was a democratic torturing death. More than a year later, the
site of the building remained empty, surrounded by rickety Cyclone fencing.
Twisted or stuffed into the fence were T-shirts with scrawled messages, business
cards, flowers, toy animals, a child's pair of red sneakers. I visited the place on a
sunny day in late autumn. A small but steady trickle of pilgrims passed slowly by
this homemade shrine, reading certain messages out loud. Parents tried to
explain matters to children. In a lot next to the fence stood an old tree, surprisingly unharmed, and an office chair; above them were two walls of buildings
made useless by the explosion. On one, someone had painted a lengthy cry
telling us that God demanded justice. On the other was the simple remark, "We
Should Have Looted." From the bombing site itself rivulets of reddish-brown
water flowed beneath the fence and into the gutter, where visitors stood deciphering the T-shirt messages. One read, "God Bless America and Help US
ALL." We tiptoed and hopped about to avoid staining our shoes.
Many people had wedged sticks into the fence to form primitive crosses.
There were dozens of them, and a few Christmas trees tightly bound to the
wires. Were all of the victims Christian? There were many images and invocations of angels, and references to young victims who had become angels, and
even some photographs of children now dead. I saw no pictures of adults, which
was a surprise, because most of the bombing victims were not children. This
business of angels came from the belief that children, upon death, unquestionably enter heaven. Adults, having no doubt sinned, cannot expect immediately
to become angels. We are not assumed to be innocent. But it is worth recalling
that children did not post these angel notices. In many cases their parents did.
One family put together a holiday card with pictures of their two lost boys on
one side and, on the reverse, a handwritten letter signed by those children from
beyond the grave. The boys' letter said they were happy in the other world and
asked all who read it to pray, not for them, but for their family -- for the very
adults who, in this world, had actually written the letter. When these adults
speak of innocents they are talking to themselves, saying, We are innocent. This
is one way to make sense of things.
Another strange detail of the popular shrine to the dead at Oklahoma City
was that the pictures of victims, at the time of my visit, all portrayed white people, although many of the dead were not white. Perhaps nonwhite families had
felt this was not a place for them to mourn, or that they were not members of
this larger, stricken family. Certainly the national face of the tragedy had been a
white face, that of a white child. Immediately after the bombing, a spontaneous
assumption of many Americans was that the bomber must have been nonwhite
and non-Christian -- in the event, an Arab Muslim man. This was another way
to make sense of things. Within forty-eight hours several attacks took place
against people who were thought, however vaguely, to be Arab Muslims. Once
a young white Christian, Timothy McVeigh, was arrested, those many Americans who looked as if they might be Arab Muslims could harness their particular fear, and presumably those Americans who had suspected them swallowed
shame.
Many of us cast the Oklahoma City bombing as a story in which innocent,
childlike white American Christians were victims, a story of Terror in the Heartland. The heartland was by definition Christian, white, and blameless. The
shrine at Oklahoma City was a spontaneous expression of this idea -- not a
media spin or a planned commemoration, just America talking to itself. Even
those who were not present there -- blacks, for example -- participated in that
conversation by not talking. We heard much about unity, about coming
together, after the bombing. Timothy McVeigh -- if he is as he has been portrayed, a government-hating white Christian separatist "sending
a message" -- made the event a perfect paradox: he killed a representative sample of
Americans to send his separatist message, and we, in our confusion and pain,
reacted by separating ourselves, each to his or her heartland. Thereby we did
what he, a madman, wanted.
McVeigh's madness lies in the belief that any of the American races can pursue a separate destiny and in that pursuit achieve a new life and freedom. Americans have believed this, in many different ways, for centuries. Our New World
was indeed new, and full of possibilities for new forms of freedom -- as well as
limitless possibilities for chaos. The racial roles of Indian, black, and white were
one leading aspect of American novelty. They formed channels through which
social power might flow with some smoothness and social position might be
understood. Since early-colonial times, none of these groups has ever been
missing from the national equation. They came into being as part of the American
experience, and their elaboration over the centuries is much of what makes
America unique. Each is crucial to our collective imagination; without any one
of them, we could not have a collective imagination. We could not have a
nation.
Yet our American drive for newness has also led us into new forms of unfreedom. From the beginning, the people living out these racial roles of Indian,
black, and white often felt them to be constricting. They wanted not to be
reduced to instances of a race. So they sought to escape race by escaping -- or
controlling, separating off, eliminating, sometimes absorbing -- that which
alone made them racial, namely the existence of other races. One sought to go
beyond race by escaping the reminders of one's own racialness, to "separate" in
order to become fully oneself and free, to solve this problem of race by starting
afresh. Such efforts never entirely succeeded. It was already too late. The history
of the New Worlds three-part racial division stuck to Americans like a burr,
pricking at their skin, even as they went west, always west, hoping to start over.
Oklahoma was the last place to start over, the last truly Western place:
Indian Territory did not join Oklahoma Territory to form the present state until
1907. Oklahoma is an extreme example, one I will often return to in the pages
that follow. The state has been a laboratory of separatism. Its first extensive settlement was by Indian tribes relocated there in part, or so many believed, as a
way of preserving their racial identity. Both blacks and whites arrived at the
same time, the blacks as slaves to Indians. Blacks and whites began moving in
large numbers to western Oklahoma (Oklahoma Territory) and eastern Oklahoma (Indian Territory) in the last great westward migration following the Civil
War. In the early years of the twentieth century blacks and whites outnumbered
Indians in Indian Territory. And it is a very revealing feature of those years that
the members of each of these three groups, within living memory of the Civil
War, had precisely the same goal: a separate state dominated by their own race.
An impossible desire animated their hearts. Each wanted to be free and unencumbered by the others; indeed, the idea of freedom, as they understood it,
required racial separatism. Even apart from economic considerations, these
Americans seem to have felt they needed their own racial place in order to
escape the past, to remake themselves, to become new people -- to become, at
last, innocent, each to itself, after nearly three hundred years together.
Not quite a century after these unsuccessful efforts at separation Timothy
McVeigh arrived in Oklahoma City to send his message. I couldn't help seeing
his act, however hideous, and the commemorations that followed it as part of an
American pattern. At the site of that vast killing, adults faced with the immensity
of political terror and death were trying to recast themselves as children, who
were not to blame, and in the process once again separating into people with
races -- which was the same separation that had led, in a way, to the terror and
death. This suggested to me that the past was forming them, in spite of themselves. That past is the past of race in
America -- not the past of racism, but of
race in itself, and of race in our selves. The racial roles we play as Americans
have tended to be repeated over the course of American history; I should say, we
have tended to repeat them. And we regret this, and tell ourselves that we will
start fresh, the past will stop now, and will not hold us any more than it holds an
innocent child. Then we repeat our race roles again.
I have done this, too. I think most Americans do. It cannot be undone, but
perhaps it could be done differently. When I was growing up, in Oakland, California, I knew many different kinds of people. The city had a great mixture of
peoples. I can remember, faintly, what it was like when, as children, we did not
attach much significance to the colors of our skins. I can also remember, more
clearly, what it was like when we fit into those skins and began to separate,
friend from friend, into races -- to think with our skins, so to speak, and to act in
them -- a painful and violent process. These were roles prepared by the American generations that had gone before; the past was forming us, and so we would
carry that past into the future. I have never ceased regretting that process,
because it diminished each of us.
We cannot successfully choose not to have a past. But we might find a common past that, if we can claim it in all its tragicomic fullness, with all its passionate murders and lasting intimacies, will enable us to do something more
than repeat our racial roles, the divisions that steal among us to mock our
humanity. Perhaps we can identify the past that haunts us -- not to exorcise it
but to live with it, and slow the pace of our repetitions, ease the sharpness of our
separations, overcome the thoughtlessness of our racial roles.
The name Oklahoma was cobbled from two Choctaw words, for red and people.
By coincidence, the dirt of western Oklahoma has a red cast, which is
why the rivulets flowing from the bombing site appeared to come from a
wound. In that flowing water I did see the color of blood, which is the same for
all of us. In the popular commemorations I saw the color of skin, which is not
the same for all of us; and I wanted to know why that separation had taken
place, unbidden, probably unwanted, here at the site of this tremendous murder committed by my mad countryman.
Purchase a copy of One Drop of Blood
Copyright © 2000 Scott L. Malcomson and The Multiracial Activist
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